GitHub censors the term "Negro"
guest271314 opened this issue · 7 comments
GitHub censors printing the word "Negro" at "Support Community" for an unknown reason.
That decision effectively attempts to erase centuries of primary source documentation, history, literature that is being used to reproduce the documents with modern technology
- Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League
- United Negro College Fund
- The Awakening of the Negro
- Strivings of the Negro People
- The Case of the Negro
- Negro Leagues Legacy
- Negro Leagues Team Histories by MLB.com
"Letter from a Birmingham Jail [King, Jr.]"
16 April 1963 My Dear Fellow Clergymen:...
You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative.
In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self purification; and direct action. We have gone through all these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation.
...
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied."
We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six year old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five year old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?"; when you take a cross county drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "colored"; when your first name becomes "nigger," your middle name becomes "boy" (however old you are) and your last name becomes "John," and your wife and mother are never given the respected title "Mrs."; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of "nobodiness"--then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may well ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all."
...
Let us consider a more concrete example of just and unjust laws. An unjust law is a code that a numerical or power majority group compels a minority group to obey but does not make binding on itself. This is difference made legal. By the same token, a just law is a code that a majority compels a minority to follow and that it is willing to follow itself. This is sameness made legal. Let me give another explanation. A law is unjust if it is inflicted on a minority that, as a result of being denied the right to vote, had no part in enacting or devising the law. Who can say that the legislature of Alabama which set up that state's segregation laws was democratically elected? Throughout Alabama all sorts of devious methods are used to prevent Negroes from becoming registered voters, and there are some counties in which, even though Negroes constitute a majority of the population, not a single Negro is registered. Can any law enacted under such circumstances be considered democratically structured?
...
You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self respect and a sense of "somebodiness" that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle-class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and best known being Elijah Muhammad's Muslim movement. Nourished by the Negro's frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination, this movement is made up of people who have lost faith in America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man is an incorrigible "devil."
I have tried to stand between these two forces, saying that we need emulate neither the "do nothingism" of the complacent nor the hatred and despair of the black nationalist. For there is the more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest. I am grateful to God that, through the influence of the Negro church, the way of nonviolence became an integral part of our struggle. If this philosophy had not emerged, by now many streets of the South would, I am convinced, be flowing with blood. And I am further convinced that if our white brothers dismiss as "rabble rousers" and "outside agitators" those of us who employ nonviolent direct action, and if they refuse to support our nonviolent efforts, millions of Negroes will, out of frustration and despair, seek solace and security in black nationalist ideologies--a development that would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare.
Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is what has happened to the American Negro. Something within has reminded him of his birthright of freedom, and something without has reminded him that it can be gained. Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the promised land of racial justice. If one recognizes this vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should readily understand why public demonstrations are taking place. The Negro has many pent up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on freedom rides -and try to understand why he must do so. If his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my people: "Get rid of your discontent." Rather, I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled into the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. And now this approach is being termed extremist. But though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from the label. Was not Jesus an extremist for love: "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you." Was not Amos an extremist for justice: "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like an ever flowing stream." Was not Paul an extremist for the Christian gospel: "I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus." Was not Martin Luther an extremist: "Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God." And John Bunyan: "I will stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a butchery of my conscience." And Abraham Lincoln: "This nation cannot survive half slave and half free." And Thomas Jefferson: "We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal . . ." So the question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremists we will be. Will we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremists for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of justice? In that dramatic scene on Calvary's hill three men were crucified. We must never forget that all three were crucified for the same crime--the crime of extremism. Two were extremists for immorality, and thus fell below their environment. The other, Jesus Christ, was an extremist for love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment. Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists.
and even individuals' birth certificate - without any rational reasoning.
Although I repudiate the entirety of "race" theory, including the official definition of "race", "Black or African American" and "White", and the remainder of the fictitious political classifications found in O.M.B. Directive 15 https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Revisions-to-the-Standards-for-the-Classification-of-Federal-Data-on-Race-and-Ethnicity-October30-1997.pdf, that United States federal regulation is nonetheless still controlling as to the official definitions of the terms in the United States, in pertinent part
1. Categories and Definitions ... **-- Black or African American.** A person having origins in any of the black racial groups of Africa. Terms such as "Haitian" or "Negro" can be used in addition to "Black or African American."
**(13) OMB accepts the following recommendations concerning the term or terms to be used for the name of the Black category:**The name of the Black category should be changed to "Black or African American."
The category definition should remain unchanged.
Additional terms, such as Haitian or Negro, can be used if desired.
The censorship means that centuries of primary source documents, literature, history are banned at GitHub where the term "Negro" is used - but the term "White" is not censored.
I am still awaiting an explaination from GitHub which provide the reasoning, rationale, and methodology employed by the corporation to make this decision.
@github @lee-dohm This issue is unequivocally about your organizations' arbitrary and capricious decision to censor the term "Negro", where was banned from @w3c for the same erroneous reason https://github.community/t/banned-for-no-reason-github-does-nothing-is-complicit/137569/
Dominique Hazael-Massieux Fri, Oct 9, 8:27 AM (8 days ago)
Guest27134,
Following your renewed usage of an inappropriate and completely unrelated to the discussion racial slur in w3c/mediacapture-screen-share#141 (comment), I’m informing you that you have been banned from participating in W3C Github repositories...
The content is the primary source research that perform which includes does include the term Negro https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WbugkADZM0M and the task of providing audio to the complete Dred Scott case, where Chief Justice Taney got the law correct as to original intent however got the history wrong as to the part of their Opinion where they use "brought to the ..." where those "Free Negroes" or "Free Blacks"; there are multiple instances in which the term "White" or "white" is attempted to be inserted into the official record ex post fact where the term was not used in the original document; thus it is of substantial importance in primary source research to print the words or terms of art used in the original document.
It is absolutely unclear what the alleged "racial slur" is. What word or phrase, exactly?
What exact methodology - your specification - did you employ to reach that decision and deploy such a policy?
Your organization needs to explain your exact methodology for determining that Negro is "inappropriate" or "offensive" - and how your organization decided to exclude the term "white" or "White race" from the same criteria and censorship.
GitHub is not doing anybody any favors by censoring the term "Negro", and to be clear, am not asking for the term "White" or "white race" to be censored. That is very problematic.
I will post here my repudiation of "race" theory, specifically in the first two parts of the three part series, the fictions "Black" "race" (including "Negro", "African American"), and "White" "race", including "Caucasian" to unequivocally prove by way of evidence, that I did not print what is characterized wantonly as a "racial slur", nor is the term "Negro" "inappropriate" or "offensive" where defined by the United States in administrative regulations, that is, when individuals make "Black" on a U.S. Census Bureau form, "the term Negro may be used". Of course, that does not mean that the terms are not wholly fictitious inventions that cannot be found in the physical world, as there is no such thing as either "black racial groups of Africa" (how many, exactly?) nor "North Africa" or "Middle East" (where, exactly?)
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The theory of “Black” “race” in the United States: “black racial groups of Africa” do not exist
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The theory of “White” “race” in the United States: “North Africa” and “Middle East” do not exist.
Now, no individual nor institution in the known universe has been able to refute the facts presented in those articles. Therefore it is impossible for me to print a "racial slur", I am a scientist, I perform primary source research. I did not invent those terms, the individual that invented "race" theory and practice "racism", which is merely any individual that self-identifies with any fictitious "race" - usually failing to actually look up the official definition of the terms they use, instead rely on folklore and propaganda. I need to be able to perform primary research and incorporate usage of modern technology to preserve historical documents, literature, treatises - not be censored by individuals and institutions which have not even bothered to look up the official definitions of the terms, and feign being "offended" by usage of the term Negro. Well, lodge your complaint with the United States, as I am contemplating doing - again - in the United States Supreme Court, to finally get rid of the fraud of "race" theory. However, in field trials, even mentioning these terms it becomes apparent that the American Association of Anthropologists were correct, individuals rely on European folklore more than facts, even the would-be intelligentsia, thus it is a quite difficult task to vet "race" theory when Negro is censored though not White and we do not need any term censored - we just need people to snap out of their reliance on mythology and understand that there is no such thing as "black" or "white" "race" - per the definition; that mythology lives in peoples' minds until they actually read the definitions of the fictions and ask: "Where precisely is 'Middle East'?", etc.
GitHub Support Community githubcommunity@discoursemail.com Mon, Nov 16, 2020 at 2:19 PM
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(CNN) - Josh Gibson, one of the greatest sluggers in the history of the Negro Leagues, could become big league baseball's single-season batting average record holder with the .441 mark he set 77 years ago.
That's because Major League Baseball this week sought to correct a longstanding wrong by recognizing the Negro Leagues as its equivalent and counting the statistics and records of thousands of Black players as part of the game's storied past.
The announcement came during the centennial celebration of the founding of the Negro Leagues, which showcased larger-than-life figures such as Gibson and Leroy "Satchel" Paige, a pitching legend who made his MLB debut in 1948 at the age of 42.The long overdue acknowledgment quickly prompted speculation over the decision's impact on the record books.
Will Gibson become the new "home run king," surpassing Barry Bonds' career record of 762? Will he edge Hugh Duffy's .440 average in 1894 with the Boston Beaneaters?
Scott Simkus, one of researchers credited by MLB with compiling and constructing the Seamheads Negro Leagues Database, the leagues' most definitive record, said he doesn't expect major records to be shattered. Some Negro League players will appear among leaders in categories such as batting average, slugging and on-base percentage but the key is "recognizing gentlemen who played in the Negro Leagues as equals."
"Many people have heard of Martin Dihigo and Josh Gibson and Satchel Paige. But what about the thousands of other men who played in the Negro Leagues from 1920 to 1948? They're being recognized finally as major league caliber ballplayers. Their statistical records, their careers are going to be considered equal to anybody who had played in the National League or American League during that period of time."Thousands of names to be added
MLB said it has begun a review, along with the Elias Sports Bureau, to "determine the full scope" of the major league "designation's ramifications on statistics and records." The bureau is the official statistician of Major League Baseball.
"MLB and Elias will work with historians and other experts in the field to evaluate the relevant issues and reach conclusions upon the completion of that process," the statement said.
"As for what records are going to be broken, there's no way to tell yet until until we have seen all the data," said John Labombarda, head of the editorial department at the Elias Sports Bureau.
"Yes, I've already seen tweets that Josh Gibson hold now holds the major league record for highest batting average in a season. That's fantastic. But we have not, and Major League Baseball has not, made any announcement like that."
Gibson's Baseball Hall of Fame plaque -- he's one of 35 Negro League stars enshrined in Cooperstown -- says he "hit almost 800 home runs in league and independent baseball."
But the majority of those homers came not in league-sanctioned games (about 50 to 75 per season) but in exhibitions played against former big leaguers and white semi-pro teams.
"Right now Josh has maybe 235, 240 home runs," said Larry Lester, co-founder of the Negro Leagues Baseball Museum in Kansas City. "We're still compiling statistics. We got a few more seasons left, and he is, right now, the all-time leader in Negro Leagues history."MLB's historic recognition coincided with the Cleveland baseball club's decision this week to remove "Indians" from its name as US corporate brands reexamine their use of racist caricatures and stereotypical names.
"All of us who love baseball have long known that the Negro Leagues produced many of our game's best players, innovations and triumphs against a backdrop of injustice," MLB Commissioner Robert Manfred Jr. said in a statement.
"We are now grateful to count the players of the Negro Leagues where they belong: as Major Leaguers within the official historical record."
MLB said it was "correcting a longtime oversight" by elevating the status of the Negro Leagues -- which consisted of seven leagues and about 3,400 Black and Latino players from 1920 to 1948.
"It's sad this great history has been kept from them," Lester said.
'Historical validation' for Black players
The decline of the Negro Leagues began when Jackie Robinson became MLB's first Black player with the Brooklyn Dodgers in 1947.
In 1969, the Special Committee on Baseball Records did not include the Negro Leagues among six "Major Leagues" it identified since 1876.
"It is MLB's view that the Committee's 1969 omission of the Negro Leagues from consideration was clearly an error that demands today's designation," MLB said.
"The perceived deficiencies of the Negro Leagues' structure and scheduling were born of MLB's exclusionary practices, and denying them Major League status has been a double penalty, much like that exacted of Hall of Fame candidates prior to Satchel Paige's induction in 1971," John Thorn, the official historian of Major League Baseball, said in a statement.
"Granting MLB status to the Negro Leagues a century after their founding is profoundly gratifying."
Bob Kendrick, president of the Negro Leagues Baseball Museum, said the recognition "serves as historical validation for those who had been shunned from the Major Leagues and had the foresight and courage to create their own league that helped change the game and our country, too."
The acknowledgment is "a meritorious nod to the courageous owners and players who helped build this exceptional enterprise and shines a welcomed spotlight on the immense talent that called the Negro Leagues home," he said in a statement.
The museum, on Twitter, called MLB's move "extraordinarily important" but added that Negro League players "never looked to Major League Baseball to validate them."
Indeed, former Negro Leagues player Ron Teasley, 93, who played for the New York Cubans in 1948, said on the phone from his home in Detroit that the recognition merely confirmed what Negro League players had long known.
"We always felt that we were part of a higher caliber game and this just more or less certifies it," he said. "I just didn't think it would take so long to come."
CNN's Dan Kamal contributed to this report.